Gerald Steinberg
Tisha
B’av – the day of mourning for the loss of both Temples in Jerusalem
and for the end of Jewish sovereignty until 1948 -- is often marked by
turning inwards, by examining the senseless hatred and other societal
failures that the Talmud blames for the destruction and exile. For some,
this is a day to focus on tikkun olam (repairing the world) and to heed
the words of the Prophets by protesting against corrupt leaders and
injustice.
(Tisha B’Av this year begins on the evening of July 15, and extends for 25 hours.)
But other equally compelling messages arise from these national traumas,
ones that highlight the inherent distance between Israelis who live
with daily threats of yet another war of destruction, and many younger
American Jews who look at Israeli realities from a distance. From
Israel, Tisha B’av is a reminder of the unfathomable pain resulting from
powerlessness in the face of invasions from Babylonia and Rome, the
loss of sovereignty, and the chasm of destruction that awaits a people
unable to defend itself. Israelis look beyond their narrow borders –
commuting distance for many Americans – and see the savage violence in
Syria, unchecked for two years, in which the global machinery formed
under the banner of human rights is entirely irrelevant. The images from
Libya, Egypt, Gaza, Sudan, Libya, and other parts of the region are not
much better.
In
this context, most Israelis understand that if we let down our guard
and fail to defend the Jewish nation-state, restored at great cost only
65 years ago, we will again be reduced to a powerless and pitiful
people. Without sovereignty and under constant threat, the ability to
further noble goals, including tikkun olam, are largely unattainable.
In
contrast, Jewish groups that strongly criticize Israeli policy give
little weight to sovereignty and Middle East realities, instead
highlighting the prophetic tradition and tikkun olam (now generally
interpreted as synonymous with promoting social justice). This ideology,
which eschews power and particularism while embracing victimhood, human
rights, and universalism, dominates campus discussions of Israel,
contributing significantly to Jewish alienation from Israel.
The
messaging focusing on turning swords into plowshares, welcoming the
stranger and helping victims is only part of the story. Jewish tradition
also recognizes the terrible side of human nature, the potential for
horrible and violent actions, and the yetzer harah – the evil
inclination that every individual is born with. Indeed, much of halacha
(Jewish law) is focused on taming and preventing such expressions of
inhuman behavior through regulations and institutions. And at the same
time, the tradition explicitly and repeatedly recognizes the necessity
of self-defense – of going to war in order to secure the freedom and
survival of the Jewish nation. The famous dictum of Hillel from Pirkei
Avot [The Ethics of the Fathers] enjoins us first to be for ourselves,
and then, with our security and survival in hand, to expand our
commitment to people who are outside the fold in need of assistance.
Similarly,
the Jewish tradition of realism in a threatening world enjoins us to
“rise early and strike first” when confronted with an implacable enemy;
pacifism is alien to the Biblical history of struggle. In 2,000 years of
exile, dependence and powerlessness, these principles were largely
forgotten, and at unimaginable cost to millions of Jewish lives. But the
return to sovereignty and the presence of half of the world’s Jewish
population in Israel has also forced Israeli society to relearn these
lessons of political survival in an inherently hostile world.
In
contrast, Jewish peace groups in the diaspora that lead the criticism
of Israel over alleged “human rights violations” and endorse the
Palestinian narrative of victimization and suffering, are far more
influential than their Israeli counterparts. In this context, the
“occupation” is an unmitigated evil from which the history of war and
terror has been conveniently erased, and in which a simple return to the
1949 armistice lines and Palestinian sovereignty would magically end
the violence. And the Israeli Arab minority, including the Bedouin
population that is occupying ever-greater expanses of the Negev, is
patronizingly adopted as civil rights causes, imposing the American
experience on the entirely different Israeli political and social
landscape. In the process, some have turned Israel into the ultimate
evil empire of the 21st century, justifying boycotts and other forms of
demonization.
The
majority of Israelis, as demonstrated repeatedly in voting and other
forms of political behavior, understand that these situations are far
more complex. The Israeli “peace camp” gains only a small portion of
the votes -- not because of a massive right-wing conspiracy, or some
inherent wish to fight wars and control the lives of millions of
Palestinians, but because there are no better and realistic alternatives
to survival. Every day, Israelis confront Palestinian total rejection
of Jewish sovereignty and the other realities on the ground.
Perhaps
during the period before and during Tisha B’av, and extending into the
High Holy Days and through Yom Kippur, instead of preaching their
strongly held views and criticisms of Israel, those Jewish leaders in
the diaspora highly critical of Jerusalem’s policies should humbly seek
to understand its realities. Tikkun Olam starts at home, beginning with
seeking to overcome the alienation and sinat chinam [causeless hatred]
from within.
Gerald M. Steinberg is professor of politics at Bar Ilan University and heads NGO Monitor, a Jerusalem-based research center.
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