by Itamar Marcus and Nan Jacques Zilberdik
Mohamed Morsi's recent election as president of Egypt has proved a matter of concern. A candidate from the radical Islamist Muslim Brotherhood, many fear that Morsi's victory, along with the Brotherhood's parliamentary successes, will threaten Egyptian-Israeli peace. More generally, it is unclear whether the Brotherhood, now empowered in its native state, will prove a moderating or destabilizing force in the Arab world.
And
so observers listened carefully to Morsi's inauguration speech, in
which he seemed to be addressing these two concerns. Part of his speech,
widely interpreted as a reference to future relations with Israel,
emphasized "the state of Egypt's commitment to international treaties
and agreements." More broadly, he declared that "we carry a message of
peace to the world."
Encouraging
as these statements may be, in fact they accord neatly with the
Brotherhood's sophisticated strategy for dealing with outsiders. That
strategy is laid out comprehensively in Mustafa Mashhur's Jihad is the Way.
Mashhur, leader of the Brotherhood in Egypt from 1996 to 2002, explains
the movement's religious beliefs and aspirations in detail especially
the role of violent jihad in bringing about a world under a unified
Islamic Caliphate. It gives reason to doubt Morsi's reassurances.
Jihad is the Way
defines Israel and Israelis as "the criminal, thieving gangs of Zion,"
and Mashhur stresses that the notion of Israel's foundation on stolen
land is not an opening position for negotiations, but a non-negotiable
article of "faith and religion." Further, the land was stolen not only
from Palestinian Arabs but from Islam: "Know that the problems of the
Islamic world, such as Palestine... are not issues of territories and
nations, but of faith and religion. They are problems of Islam and the
Muslims, and they can be resolved neither by negotiation nor by
recognizing the enemy's right to the Islamic land he stole."
How can Morsi commit to keeping his country's treaty with Israel when his religious beliefs preclude it?
As
for the Brotherhood's impending effect on the wider Arab world, Morsi's
"message of peace" is also not what it seems. Mashhur explains: "Jihad
and preparation for jihad are not only for the purpose of fending-off
assaults and attacks against Muslims by Allah's enemies, but are also
for the purpose of realizing the great task of establishing an Islamic
state, strengthening the religion, and spreading it around the world."
"Martyrdom
for Allah," Mashhur writes, "is our most exalted wish." Jihad is indeed
the way, and not only has Morsi never rejected this ideology he is now
its most senior political representative in Egypt.
So how are these contradictions to be understood? Why does Morsi talk peace when he explicitly adheres to an ideology of war?
The
answer lies in the fundamental principles of the Muslim Brotherhood
principles largely overlooked in the West. As opposed to the ideology of
Al-Qaeda, which preaches continuous confrontation and attacks on
infidels regardless of the immediate political costs, the Brotherhood
places the highest priority on careful preparation and the strategic
timing of political and military activity. Jihad is the Way
stresses the necessity of timing the eventual jihad prudently; as a
prooftext, it cites a Quranic passage in which Muhammad does not rush to
fight until the timing is right:
"When
the Muslims were a persecuted minority, the Prophet Muhammad did not
instruct the Muslims to retaliate. Instead, he taught them "Sabr,"
patience and resolve... and when the conditions were right, permission
was given to fight in the words of Allah..."
Timing, therefore, is an integral part of the Brotherhood's political and military decisions:
"When
the Brotherhood sends their youth to jihad at the appropriate time,
they are not pushing them towards destruction. Rather, abstaining from
jihad at its appropriate time is destruction . . . Similarly, it is not
necessary for the Muslims to repel every attack or damage caused by the
enemies of Allah immediately, rather [this is required] when ability and
the circumstances allow for it."
In
this context, Morsi's statements look more like stratagems. Standing by
Egypt's international commitments now does not preclude war later; and
assurances of peaceful intent do not jettison jihad from the agenda in
fact, as far as the Brotherhood is concerned, they advance it. Morsi
does not have to change his opinions, nor does he have to reject the
Brotherhood's fundamental beliefs when he speaks of peace. Since
nullifying its treaty with Israel might isolate Egypt politically and
bring it economic ruin, Morsi can instead apply the Brotherhood's
principle, as learned from Muhammad: "'Sabr' patience and resolve." The
necessity to strengthen and stabilize Egyptian society is an adequate
priority now it is, moreover, the very means by which to prepare Egypt
to lead the Islamic world and to fulfill Islam's global destiny.
Peaceful
statements released from Egypt over the next few years should not
deceive observers into believing that the Brotherhood has abandoned its
religious ideology and its comprehensive Islamic vision. Talking peace,
while preparing for Jihad, is an integral part of Jihad.
So when will Egypt break its treaty with "the criminal, thieving gangs of Zion"? Morsi will make the same calculation as Muhammad: when conditions are right.
Itamar Marcus is director and Nan Jacques Zilberdik is senior analyst of Palestinian Media Watch. They are the authors of Deception: Betraying the Peace Process.
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