Haredi draft bill symbolizes culture war

The important thing about the bill seeking to equalize the burden of military service is that it will force haredi youth outside the spiritual ghettos of Jerusalem and Bnei Brak and into the heart of Israeli society.

Dan Margalit

The conscription of haredi yeshiva students will bring them into the heart of Israeli society [illustrative] | Photo credit: Lior Mizrahi

The conscription of some 5,000 ultra-Orthodox yeshiva students into the Israel Defense Forces in a few years is a somewhat significant step toward treating them the same way as other Israeli youth, who are asked to serve their country when they turn 18. The haredim's inclusion in the workforce is an equally important, albeit somewhat overrated, step as many of them already work for a living alongside their yeshiva studies -- they just do it "under the radar," so as not to pay any taxes or lose the benefits the "Zionist government" affords them.

The important thing about the bill seeking to equalize the burden of military service is that it will force haredi youth outside the spiritual ghettos of Jerusalem and Bnei Brak and into the heart of Israeli society. Shas Chairman MK Aryeh Deri and MK Moshe Gafni (United Torah Judaism) cannot prevent a chance cafeteria encounter between a 24-year-old married haredi soldier and secular teens, fresh out of high-school. Any small talk they may share threatens the rabbi's authority in the yeshiva.

The burden equality bill is the symbol of the cultural war that has been waging in Israel in full force. One example of a small battle fought in this war was illustrated by Habayit Hayehudi MK Moti Yogev -- an IDF officer who, by seeking a second vote on the articles criminalizing haredi draft dodgers, unintentionally afforded us a glimpse of the internal struggle between his Zionist self and his haredi self.

Ever since the Jewish people began returning to their homeland, they have been fighting a cyclic cultural war. What was the controversy surrounding shmita (the agricultural sabbatical year) if not a face-off between educated religious Zionism and the ultra-Orthodox way of life some of the pioneers had clung to? And what was the "war of languages" waged against Eliezer Ben-Yehuda, or the "Torato omanuto" ("Torah is his profession") arrangement, which was put in place shortly after Israel's inception, if not a cultural war?

This war is waged on several fronts simultaneously: Passing a bill allowing municipal rabbis to oversee conversions is a battle in this cultural war, as is the haredi-imposed delay Yisrael Beytenu faces in its attempts to pass a domestic partnership law. The same goes for the dramatic battle waged in the Education Ministry's halls over making civics lessons a core course, in the hope that it would allow a ray of light to penetrate the darkness clouding haredi high-schools and shine over the significance of Zionism and democracy.

It is too soon to tell whether the bill equalizing the burden of military service, which Yesh Atid Chairman Yair Lapid touted as a major accomplishment, will come to fruition. The swinging sword of early elections and a potential change in government may render this bill null and void. But for now is has a declarative value, which at the end of the day is better than nothing.

Road to peace

Earlier this week, I met with one for the most senior "formers" in Israel's history. This individual has vast experience in holding peace negotiations, which he once headed in the service of a past Likud governments. As a proponent of the two-state solution he told me he was "still optimistic." I wondered why, and he outlined his view as follows:

U.S. President Barack Obama will present Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu with a proposal for a framework agreement. The expected reservations -- from Ramallah as well -- are insignificant. Does anyone remember the 14 reservations filed by then-Prime Minister Ariel Sharon for George W. Bush's road map? They were just white noise used for self-encouragement.

The louder Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and Netanyahu's reservations are -- the stronger the current coalition will become and the better it is for the peace talks. It will allow Justice Minister Tzipi Livni and Netanyahu's envoy Isaac Molho, and chief Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat to further explore ways to bridge the gaps. It can be done, he said.

But how, I wondered, would they be able to resolve the issue of the Jewish state, for example?

You could write that the parties agree to this move or that one in the spirit of the 1947 U.N. resolution, which states that Israel will become a Jewish state, he said, as one with extensive experience in drafting official multilayered language.

As for the Holy Basin in Jerusalem, that area will be entrusted with God and run by three emissaries -- a Jew, a Christian and a Muslim. Things will continue to be managed as they are, unless there is a unanimous decision to change them somehow.

Once the gaps are smaller, the moment of truth will arrive, but not for Israel or the Palestinians -- for the U.S. If the Americans remain determined, they will summon the parties to Camp David, alongside Jordan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia -- Israel's relations with the Arab League states have never been better -- and through the summit, the U.S. will relentlessly pressure both parties in the form of financial incentives and underlying threats of European boycotts.

Such diplomatic maneuvers can mature into an agreement, and such an agreement would see a majority vote in the Knesset and even a landslide vote in a general election, although it might spell a comprehensive change in the political map. There is no way to tell what reception such an agreement would receive in the PA, but if Abbas stalls once more -- as he has done so far -- Israel would at least win the blame game.

Which way will Netanyahu sway? On the one hand, the threats made by the Right indicate he might lose political ground among his natural constituents, while on the other hand he must address the concerns of a growing European boycott. This issue should be revisited a year from now, as only then would we be able to properly compare the results.