Or does HwDmbCnWeB simply override good sense? Don
· Top Iranian officials this week reemphasized Tehran's stance - articulated recently by among others President Hassan Rouhani, Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif, and former top nuclear negotiator Hossein Mousavian -
that the Islamic republic refuses to dismantle even minimal elements of
its nuclear infrastructure in the context of a comprehensive nuclear
agreement between the country and the international community. Zarif on Wednesday again rejected Western
demands that Iran take apart uranium enrichment and plutonium producing
equipment, declaring that "Iran's nuclear technology is non-negotiable
and comments about Iran's nuclear facilities are worthless and there is
no need to negotiate or hold talks about them."
The head of Iran’s
Atomic Energy Organization had earlier this week made
a series of similar comments to Iran's PressTV, boasting that Iran has
not dismantled anything under the interim Joint Plan of Action (JPA). He
emphasized that "[t]he entire nuclear activity of Iran is going on” and
that “[c]entrifuges that were used for the production of 20 percent,
they will be used now for producing 5 percent enriched uranium." The
boasts are likely to generate both specific and general concerns
regarding the Obama administration’s negotiations with Iran.
Substantively, Salehi's boasts regarding the ongoing development of
advanced centrifuges – an element of the JPA that David Albright, head
of the U.S.-based Institute for Science and International Security
(ISIS), identified this week as
a gaping "loophole" - are likely to prove particularly controversial.
More broadly, White House and State Department officials seem to have
settled on talking points suggesting
that "dismantlement of significant portions of [Iran's] nuclear
infrastructure" will be a topic for some time in the future, and that in
the meantime journalists should focus on the JPA's implementation. The
administration has been pressed its logic, wherein statements trumpeting
Iranian intransigence are brushed off as domestic chatter while
statements signaling moderation are taken as reliable indices to regime
intentions.
· Iran's foreign ministry this week "categorically denied" widely-broadcast reports which had Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif hinting to German TV that Tehran might be willing to recognize Israel should the Jewish state secure a peace agreement with Palestinians.
A foreign ministry official declared instead that Zarif had been
misquoted and the top Iranian diplomatic "completely rejected the
remarks attributed to him." The incident is not the first time since the
election of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani in which optimistic media
coverage touting Iranian moderation was met with explicit denials from
Iranian officials. Widely conveyed reports published months ago had Iran had halting enrichment of its uranium to 20% purity, prompting a quick clarification by
Iranian nuclear chief Ali Akbar Salehi stating the opposite. Last
September a Twitter account linked to Rouhani generated what the Washington Post described at the time as a "frenzied response" when it was used to wish Jews a happy Jewish New Year. Rouhani’s officedenied any linksto the tweet. Iranian citizens were, days later, able to directly access social media networks for the first time in years, generating speculation from Western journalists that "Iran’s Berlin Wall of internet censorship crumbling." The ban was imposed a day later. In September a German paper published rumors that Rouhani was prepared to shut down Iran's underground enrichment bunker at Fordow, a suggestion that the regime immediately rejected and
continues to explicitly reject. The degree to which Iranian officials
are deliberately promoting misreporting by often sympathetic Western
journalists is unclear.
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