1. Europe is on fire.
It has been for some time. Roughly half a century after World War II, it
is being conquered, by degrees, with no battle. That last terrible war
destroyed the national idea and made Western-style democracy vulnerable
to the dangers that threaten its existence with no real ability to cope
with them.
The intellectual elite
that once held those soci
eties together is now working hard to destroy
them. Sophisticated ways of thinking are being employed to keep these
societies from defending themselves. Europe does not know how to deal
with the millions of Muslims who do not want to integrate into Western
society and do not accept Western codes, and some of whom state openly
that their goal is Europe's defeat.
Sweden is perhaps the
most fascinating case of all. It is there that Western liberalism
reached its peak in its willingness to take in millions of immigrants
(almost 2 million out of less than 10 million), most of them Muslims.
The legal system, the media and the welfare system, among others, have
mobilized to promote acceptance of the other, the different, the
persecuted. But the blood-drenched rioting that has been going on in
Stockholm in recent weeks creates the impression that all that
acceptance was in vain. The situation in France, where suburban areas
are described as powder kegs, is much worse.
2. In 2005, during the
riots in France, the philosopher Alain Finkielkraut said in an interview
with Haaretz, "In France, they would like very much to reduce these
riots to their social dimension, to see them as a revolt of youths from
the suburbs against their situation, against the discrimination they
suffer from, against the unemployment. The problem is that most of these
youths are blacks or Arabs, with a Muslim identity. Look, in France
there are also other immigrants whose situation is difficult -- Chinese,
Vietnamese, Portuguese -- and they're not taking part in the riots.
Therefore, it is clear that this is a revolt with an ethno-religious
character."
He added that to see
the hatred and violence only as a reaction to French racism was "to be
blind to a broader hatred: the hatred for the West, which is deemed
guilty of all crimes." France was exposed to it then. Sweden and London
are being exposed to it now, or previously. Who remembers?
People were appalled by
the beheading of the British soldier in broad daylight on a London
street. But what are they going to do about it? The murderers converted
to Islam several years ago and underwent a rapid transformation. That
must never be mentioned; anyone who talks about it will be branded a
racist. Incidentally, the French left wing attacked Finkielkraut after
his interview with Haaretz, forcing him to retract his statements. He
even joined the Geneva peace initiative. Maybe that is why very few
intellectuals repeat his accurate observations openly. Nobody wants to
get into trouble with the thought police.
So if the reason in
France has nothing to do with religious, ethnic or national differences,
but only issues of social justice, why was that British soldier
beheaded? British commentators offered a possible motive: the British
military's intervention in Muslim states. In other words: It's our
fault.
In Western countries,
any public figure who warns that the riots are not about economic issues
alone, but are also an existential threat, is attacked by the
gatekeepers and accused of xenophobia, extremism, racism and other high
crimes deserving of the mark of Cain.
3. In the first half of
the 1980s, the journalist and philosopher Jean-Francois Revel published
his book, "How Democracies Perish." While Revel was referring to the
conflict between the West and the Soviet regime, his statements are also
appropriate for any sort of totalitarianism, including the Islamic
version.
One could paraphrase
Revel's statements by saying that the conflict between Islam and the
West is like a soccer game in which one team disqualifies itself from
going past the half-way line while the other plays freely inside its
rival's 18-yard box. While Islam treats its rivals (including those who
pose no active danger to it) as threatening its very existence and works
for their destruction, the West treats subversive elements who actively
endanger its existence as mere rivals with whom it has a simple
disagreement, no more.
The outcome of this
essential difference between these systems is that compared with
totalitarian regimes, democracies are far less capable of defending
themselves against enemies from within. Islam is exploiting this to the
hilt in both the spreading of global terrorism and the creeping takeover
of the West.
Democracies tend to
ignore and even deny threats to their existence because they are
reluctant, actually unwilling, to do what is necessary to cope with
those threats. In other words, democracies like to calm the situation
down and not rouse the demon from his lair (even though the demon awoke
long ago and has been threatening to swallow them for some time), mostly
by justifying and encouraging "moderate" elements over "radical" ones.
Sound familiar?
4. In September 1938,
Germany, France, the United Kingdom and Italy signed the Munich
agreement, giving Germany the Sudetenland in Czechoslovakia. The
agreement, which was considered an act of appeasement of Nazi Germany,
is considered responsible for the outbreak of World War II a year later.
It also hastened the collapse of Czechoslovakia, which was dismantled
six months before the war broke out.
Afterward, Chamberlain
returned to London with his famous umbrella, waving the paper signed by
Hitler and proclaiming "peace in our time." Right after the agreement
was signed, the French diplomatic corps described Hitler as trapped
between the "radical" Goebbels and Himmler and the "moderate" Goering.
The tyrant, they said, had to be supported so that he would not fall
into the hands of the radicals. Recognizing the West's feeble character,
Stalin, too, demanded concessions from the Roosevelt administration,
claiming that the Politburo was criticizing him for his tendency toward
liberal reform.
Thus, in their pursuit
of peace and quiet, the Western democracies believe -- even after making
countless concessions that have brought neither peace nor quiet -- that
if we make more gestures the situation will calm down, even if for only
a few years.
Democracies have a
tendency toward selective amnesia when it comes to history. "As things
are now ... only the West's failures, crimes and weaknesses deserve to
be recorded by history," while totalitarian regimes are always about to
experience "reform," "change" or a "spring," and peace is always just
around the corner.
Because of that, many
historians in the West deal only with documenting atrocities committed
by the West. Their equanimity toward the atrocities committed by Islam
creates the impression that the West has lost its survival instinct
entirely.
One of the mechanisms
that made the loss of this instinct possible is what Revel calls "the
industry of blame." A large system made up of intellectuals, academics
and the media (among other things), it fosters one-sided ideas of
historical guilt. The West's culture of self-blame does not allow for
putting any responsibility on the other side, even as the abyss opens
under its feet. Any active attempt to resist the dangers that Islam
places before the free world brings with it intellectual confusion
bordering on paralysis.
In a situation like this, all
that remains for Europe's feeble elite to do is what it did 75 years ago
-- cooperate with the forces that endanger it and sacrifice one
democracy on the altar of a fictitious peace. Do you understand now why
the riots in Europe are not waking up the West, but rather strengthening
its attacks on Israel?
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