Arming Israel’s Enemies

David Isaac

Critics Slam Obama Administration for ‘Hiding’ Massive Saudi Arms Deal,” read the headline Friday on ABC News’ Web site. The article reported that some members of Congress were upset by the administration’s “stealthy effort” to rush through a $60 billion arms sale to Saudi Arabia by notifying Congress just as it was heading home for the November elections, more or less nullifying the 30-day review period Congress had to raise objections.

Unfortunately, Congress’s concerns came too late. It was a done deal as of midnight Friday. It appears that Obama, for whom sneaking around Congress has become a nervous political habit, can’t resist being underhanded even when it’s not necessary. There was little protest about the deal either from Congress, Israel or America’s pro-Israel lobby – despite the fact that this was the largest arms sale in U.S. history and to a country technically still at war with the Jewish state.

One gets the impression that AIPAC, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, the largest pro-Israel lobbying group, was just going through the motions. It acknowledged on its Web site simply that ‘Yes, the impact of the Saudi arms sale should be examined.’ From Congress came two letters protesting the sale and one resolution attempting to block it. From the Israelis – silence. Informed ahead of time, they acquiesced. They were also assuaged by U.S. officials, who promised that the Saudi F-15s would not be equipped with long-range offensive weaponry.

Those familiar with past Saudi arms deals have heard that one before. In 1978, the Senate approved a Carter administration sale of F-15s to the Saudis on condition that certain offensive components wouldn’t be included. The administration also promised that the Saudis wouldn’t receive AWACs (Airborne Warning and Control System) radar planes. Three years later, the Reagan administration was lobbying on behalf of the Saudis to get the additional F-15 equipment they’d earlier been denied along with the AWACs.

That added capability gave the already purchased F-15s “a dramatic five-fold offensive capacity against Israel,” Shmuel Katz noted at the time. And the AWACs enabled “the Saudis to spy upon every movement in Israel 24 hours a day — and to do so from within their own borders.” (“Closing The Circle”, The Jerusalem Post, April 30, 1981)

According to Mitchell Bard, Executive Director of the American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise, the U.S. also placates Israel by downplaying the Saudis’ ability to actually use the weapons. As he writes: “One irony is that administrations tell Israel the Saudis are too incompetent to use the weapons but then they tell Congress the Saudis need the arms to defend themselves vs first the Soviets, then Saddam and now Iran.”

Assuming for a moment that the Saudis are too incompetent (this writer can’t say one way or the other, but counting on your enemy to be clumsy with their weapons systems is no way to ensure national security), the fact is that technology has a way of advancing to the point where even the incompetent become competent. Think of that octogenarian who couldn’t figure out a VCR, but now programs that DVR like nobody’s business. At two buttons they were all thumbs. Get it down to one button and you’ve got a nation of Arabic-speaking Audie Murphys.

As AIPAC notes, “The F-15 fighter jet proposed for sale to Riyadh will be one of the most advanced combat aircraft in service outside the developed world, featuring a revolutionary new advanced radar system and other systems that could largely offset the difference in skill between Saudi and Israeli pilots. [italics added]”

This didn’t stop the administration from pooh-poohing concerns about Israel’s security. U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Andrew Shapiro, during a briefing on the arms sale, was reassuring. “We have conducted an independent assessment of what the impact would be on Israel’s qualitative military edge and our assessment is this would not diminish Israel’s qualitative military edge and therefore we felt comfortable in going forward with the sale.”

Andrew Shapiro may have felt comfortable, but Israel sure didn’t. According to Politico.com, while Israel kept quiet publicly about the sale, “Privately, in August — a top Israeli official told POLITICO — they asked the Obama administration to match the Saudi sale with 20 F-35 jets for the Israeli air force, a move that would maintain the ‘qualitative military advantage’.…”

Assistant Secretary of State Shapiro came off poorly in comparison to another Jewish member of an American administration, in this case Mark Siegel, who served as liaison officer to the American-Jewish community under President Carter. He resigned in protest when that administration pushed through a Saudi arms deal.

The American-Jewish community couldn’t expect Shapiro to share a similarly heroic character. What it could have expected was that AIPAC do its utmost to block the sale. The reason most often cited for AIPAC’s failure to act now, as with previous arms sales, is the bruising it took in 1981 during the AWACs battle, a fight it nearly won, “Never again would AIPAC make a serious effort to stop an arms transfer to an Arab ally of the United States.”

In 1986, when yet another Saudi sale was in the offing, Shmuel wrote:

It is surely not possible that our government believes that America’s supplying large quantities of sophisticated arms to Saudi Arabia is a good thing for Israel, or that assurances that these arms would “never be used against Israel” can be taken seriously.

We know, after all, that the leaders of the country are not all deaf and blind – and suffering from amnesia.

The government is not actively opposing Washington’s current plan to add more weapons to the Saudi’s overflowing arsenals.

Nobody has even tried seriously to deny the abject reasoning behind this restraint: the government does not want to upset relations with the U.S. It has been cowed by experience. In 1981, for example, the opposition to the U.S. administration’s plan to supply AWACs spy-planes to the Saudis evoked not only harsh anti-Israeli comments, but some old-fashioned anti-Semitic code-words from within the administration.

The Saudis, it should be remembered, long ago proclaimed that the inordinately large quantities of arms they acquire are to serve all the Arab states for use against the Israeli enemy. (“Surrendering to Pressure”, The Jerusalem Post, April 11, 1986)

Early on, Shmuel observed the growing Saudi arsenal with concern. In 1978, he wrote:

Ever since the Yom Kippur War a variegated pattern of arms purchases has become evident in Saudi Arabia. These include hundreds of planes, fighting and transport, hundreds of tanks, thousands of missiles and bombs of different types, artillery and ships. The Saudis do not buy exclusively from the US. They are buying also from France, Italy and Britain. In the past it was widely assumed that Saudi Arabia is acquiring arms mainly as the financier of her sister Arab States and storing them until required. This no doubt is still true, but the accumulating facts point to a new direction and a new purpose: in case of war Saudi Arabia will open a front of her own against Israel.” (“Mark Siegel Opened A Window”, The Jerusalem Post, March 17, 1978)

Twenty-nine years is plenty of time for Israel and AIPAC to nurse their wounds. While our opponents may have convincing-sounding arguments, they pale in comparison to one simple truth: We arm people who spread radical Islam, finance terror, teach their children to hate Christians and Jews, and stone to death innocent women. We arm barbarians.

A few Congressmen, at the last minute, began to ask hard questions of the administration. They were joined by hundreds of their colleagues. Had Israel and AIPAC supported them, it would, at the very least, have raised public awareness of the dangers involved in arming not a friend, but an enemy.